Will Telemedicine Save Money?

Telemedicine (or telehealth) in the specific form of video chats with doctors seems at last to be taking off in U.S.A. The latest development is a Sep. 8, '15 article in the Annals of Internal Medicine voicing qualified support by the American College of Physicians (ACP). An earlier Aug. 4, '15 report says the U.S. will have an over 40% share of a global telemedicine market projected to grow to over $34B by end of 2020.

Articles on Aug. 2, '15 in the Wall Street Journal and on July 11, '15 in the NY Times describe U.S. patients Skyping with doctors and insurers covering such consultations. This is despite strict constraints and push backs by many doctors and payers. Such video visits can save the time and expense of going to emergency rooms and physician offices, and cost as little as $40 to $50 each. Will such telemedicine save money overall? 

I agree with the expert in the Times article who says no, though it adds a lot to patients' convenience and access to care. That's because any savings in per consultation prices will likely be more than offset by increased demand by patients who otherwise may have done nothing and stayed at home. But I make an important distinction.

We will not save money if we have telemedicine in its present form with only U.S. trained doctors allowed to practice it. On the other hand we'll actually save an immense amount of money and enormously enhance patient benefits if we do it the right way as envisaged in my post going back to April 2011. The difference: allowing patients to be served by highly qualified foreign doctors who are licensed after clearing U.S. board exams but without U.S. residency requirements. This will overcome the deliberately engineered shortage of U.S. doctors described in my Sep. 2010 post that keeps fees and prices high. Moreover, the scope of telemedicine can and should be vastly enhanced, so that foreign specialists and surgeons treat patients remotely, with on site nurses or other staff assisting as needed.

If we allow good foreign doctors into telemedicine their fees are likely to be a third or less than that of U.S. trained doctors. Some of these doctors from places like India are actually a lot more experienced as well, because they serve many more patients in the same period of time, and because they start their careers earlier. That's because medical schools outside the U.S. and Canada take in high school graduates instead of college graduates. That gives foreign medical graduates a four year career head start in addition to avoiding costly and unnecessary education. Top surgeons in their mid thirties in India have performed as many procedures as typical U.S. doctors in their fifties, and they achieve better outcomes.

Other improvements we need in telemedicine are around IT, better electronic health records (EHRs), automated billing systems, rapidly accessing other (remote) specialists when required, and so on. Advances like Da Vinci machines make remote complex surgery feasible (with safeguards and back up systems, of course.)  All this can rapidly evolve over time. The main constraint is U.S. policies and doctor lobbies keeping domestic supply constrained and foreign providers at bay. To significantly lower medical expenditures this is the key problem to be addressed by our political leadership. 

U.S. Doctors: Good PR on Their Pay and Plight

U.S. doctor groups have ensured that prices of their services remain multiples above elsewhere in the world. At their behest every year Congress overrode a 1997 law provision that cut Medicare rates to keep expenses per beneficiary at par with growth of GDP.  Then on Apr. 16, 2015 this law was revoked and replaced with one that protected or raised rates in coming years.

Now doctor and other healthcare players are pushing to kill the Independent Payment Advisory Board (IPAB) set up under Obamacare to control costs if prices rise too much. This 15 member board has never been constituted because Senate Republicans have vowed to block any members nominated by President Obama. But hey, why risk a future Democrat dominated Senate seating this Board and spoiling the party?

In Sep. 2010 I wrote about the need and the path to overcome artificial doctor shortages that complement powerful lobbying as a root cause of high prices. Others too have written about the medical cartel boosting MD salaries and ostensibly pro-competition Republicans supporting such a cartel. (Remember, it was Republicans who through their 1997 law capped doctor residencies, worsening and permanently entrenching doctor shortages and a sellers' market for their services.)

But these voices have largely been lost in mainstream media that buys the narrative of doctors being squeezed by current health trends. It has fooled even the foremost journalists who have exposed healthcare overpricing in the past couple of years.

Steven Brill whose Mar. 2013 Time cover article "Bitter Pill" first created waves earnestly agrees (including at 3min. 45 secs of this Jon Stewart interview) that "doctors don't make the money". He says that most of the excess payments go to hospital CEOs, citing some who make over $4 million a year. But CEO compensation is typically under 1 percent of hospital revenues. So where does the rest of the bounty go? Answer (that Brill would also have discovered if he had truly "followed the money" per his claim): lots of it in one form or another goes to doctors.

Elizabeth Rosenthal augmented Brill's Time expose with a series of "Paying Till It Hurts" articles in the New York Times about abusive pricing of medical services. Amazingly, she too in a May 17, 2014 article asserts that doctors "are on average right in the middle of the compensation pack." Her logic is that typical physician earnings are less than those of health insurance and hospital CEOs. She is comparing average wages in one profession with those of the top functionaries in others. She may as well say that doctors earn much less than those in the fast food line because, you see, the CEOs of McDonald's and Starbucks make nearly $10 million a year.

While doctor groups typically operate behind scenes, they also need to counter public perceptions about excessive earnings. Otherwise popular outrage can pressure political leaders to ease up on support. Key factors help doctors' PR efforts: flawed data understating their true earnings, and healthcare academics and even public agencies like the HHS shying away from exposing them. This causes the media to accept justifications by doctors that are buttressed by obliging health experts and economists. These last are mistaken for objective arbiters of facts when they are often paid shills who conceal or downplay their incentives and financial ties to the industry.  

An example is David Cutler of Harvard whose one-sided 2011 study justifying high doctor salaries is widely quoted by their groups.  I'd also include the "liberal" Uwe Reinhardt of Princeton who highlights high costs of US healthcare but helps absolve the industry with fuzzy conclusions when he ought to know better. Of lesser eminence is Duke University Researcher Christopher Conover who does more obvious hack jobs, like rebutting Steven Brill's expose of exorbitant hospital pricing.

These three are all quoted in medical doctor Kevin Pho's July 2, '14 Op-Ed "Doctors Are Not Overpaid" in USA Today. Dr. Pho's piece contains all the points typically made by U.S. doctors to defend the extent of their earnings, and the system that makes this possible. All four of Dr. Pho's defenses are flawed. Yet in the past year they haven't been rebutted in any major publications. So it is worthwhile to comment on them:

Defense 1: We shouldn't compare the compensation of U.S. doctors' with doctors in other countries.  Instead, we should compare it with the top earners (1% or 5%) in each country. By that measure David Cutler found (Table 2 at p. 12) U.S. physicians (with average salary of $230,000) were less well paid relative to their peers.

I agree an average salary of $230,000 for U.S. doctors is reasonable and justified. The problem is that this figure is bogus - something Cutler should well know - and vastly understates true doctor earnings. When you peel away the onion layers of quoted sources, this number comes from the AMA, the doctors' own trade group, which is acutely aware that understating it helps protect and justify doctors' current fee structure.

How much do doctors really earn? Sadly, per my March 2010 post HHS doesn't bother to find out, or even identify unbiased sources. A Jan. 27, '15 report in The Atlantic shows much higher (though still underestimated) earnings. Taken together with pay data from physician recruiters like Merritt Hawkins, actual average doctor earnings are likely twice as high as in Cutler's quoted surveys. And why should the average U.S. doctor feel entitled to being well within the top 1% of earners when their peers are not quite in this stratified bracket elsewhere in the world?

Defense 2: It takes more financial capital to become an independently practicing doctor.  Christopher Conover calculates that the rate of return for doctors on their cost of education "paled in comparison with those pursued degrees with shorter and less expensive training, such as business or law."

How can you justify the extra 1 - 2 years of education costing $60K - $120K to get an MD as paying you an additional $100K - $200K every year for the rest of your career? Doctors enter residency after eight years of post-high school education, when they become financially independent (though earning just a fraction of what they'll make when fully trained in 2 - 5 years.) Compared to this, MBAs spend six years, law graduates seven years and doctoral students seven to nine years after high school. So the difference isn't that much. Moreover, why do our medical schools not simply admit applicants after high school as is done in the rest of the world? Then getting an MD prior to residency will incur the same time and expense as getting through (undergraduate) college.    

Defense 3: Doctor salaries are modest compared to administrators like insurer CEOs and hospital administrators with an average base pay of $583,700 and $236,800 respectively. 

First, as explained earlier, actual doctor earnings are much higher than those salary surveys indicate. But more importantly, like Elizabeth Rosenthal above, you are comparing the average doctor salary with that of the top executives in hospitals and insurance companies, which makes no sense.   

Defense 4: Slashing physician salaries won't save much. Uwe Reinhardt says doctor salaries are about 10% of total health costs, so halving them will save only 5%.

According to CDC's Health, United States, 2014 (Table 103) Doctor fees for services separately billed by them is 20% of total health expenses while hospital charges are 32%. Of these latter a substantial though undisclosed chunk also goes to doctors on staff, and so does a certain proportion of expenses on drugs (9.3% of total) and medical devices and products (3.4%), and so on. So (surprise, surprise) though no precise data of this exists, doctors' earnings from all sources can account for over a third of all medical expenses. Aligning pricing and consequently these earnings closer to those in other countries will save a lot more than doctors and their experts claim.

As I wrote in March 2011 there are administratively easy ways to massively lower our health expenses. These can face stiff opposition from entrenched interests including doctor groups benefiting from the present system. Their efforts to shape public opinion should be appropriately weighed against the facts.

Feeling The Price Chasm

Even Anita and my routine medical expenses this past month show how our leadership from the top down miss the key flaw with our U.S. healthcare system.

It's like in the satirical novel Catch-22 where the (anti) hero Yossarian tends to airman Snowden aboard their WW2 bomber which has been hit by anti-aircraft fire. Yossarian painstakingly treats a serious but non-life threatening leg wound while unaware that beneath his flak jacket the dying Snowden's abdomen has been blown apart.

In similar fashion, President Obama touts a new system to tie more payments to the quality - not quantity - of health care services rendered. He echoes health secretary Sylvia Burwell's similar recipe offered up on Jan. 26, '15.  This implicitly implies that our main issue is one of over-treatment, "wrong" treatment or even waste, and data shows this to be false as I repeatedly highlight, including in my previous post. Americans already see doctors 40% less and are hospitalized 20% less often than in other developed countries so how is excessive "quantity" a big problem? Yet our bills run over twice as high.

Neither Mr. Obama nor Ms. Burwell nor any legislative leader has said anything about our core problem - grotesquely high prices of medical services and goods compared to anywhere else in the world.

So about our own March medical purchases, these involved office visits to a dermatologist, an orthopedic surgeon and an ophthalmologist for routine eye exams. All providers are highly rated and attended to us well. We paid them out of pocket as it counted towards our deductible in our health savings account.  Our rates were negotiated by our insurer Aetna, which were below "usual and customary charges" or what they would take up front from a cash paying customer without insurance.

Most Americans would consider what we paid to be very reasonable. That's part of the problem as they have no idea about the rates for medical services and goods abroad. Though reports like the 2013 IFHP comparative price study are available, listing our own payments as below and what they'd have been in Germany, France and India puts it all in a personal context:

1) Eye exam: We paid $235 for an eye exam and glasses / contact lens prescription by an ophthalmologist. The cheapest option would have been a $95 eye exam by a Costco optometrist purely to get glasses or contacts - no detailed exam for any other potential trouble.

According to an Oct. 2011 IBES study in France an eye exam costs between 25 and 40 euros (p. 35, or $35 - $55) and in Germany it is free if you buy glasses or contacts from that specialist. If you don't charges vary, averaging around 40 euros. In India an eye test by an optician is free if you buy glasses or contacts from them. Now get this: I paid only $66 for a pair of glasses with progressive lenses and free eye exam in India last year, though charges would have been $150 - $200 had I opted for top line glasses.  For my father-in-law a couple of years ago I had a detailed eye exam for macular degeneration by Pune's top eye specialist for $50.  Routine screening was for $15 - $25. In sum eye exams in France and Germany cost about a fourth, and in India about a tenth of what we paid in U.S.A.

2) Dermatologist: First, most dermatologists were booked solid for two months or had closed their practice to new patients as they were so busy. But one was available within a week. The standard office visit which included some cortisone shots lasted 15 minutes with the doctor and another 15 minutes with a nurse and for paperwork with the office staff. The charge was $262 but our payment was $181 at Aetna's negotiated rate. The doctor also prescribed a generic steroid ointment clobetasol propionate that cost us $40 at our CVS pharmacy.

In France the dermatologist fee would be 25 euros and coupled with the cortisone shots the total bill would be under $50. In Germany it may have been $70.  In Pune, India a reputed dermatologist charges $7 for office visits (and $20 for house calls) and along with cortisone shots we'd have paid $12 - $14. And that ointment that cost us $40 at "negotiated rates?" I discovered I had that exact same one, only a branded product called Tenovate made in India by the reputed GlaxoSmithKline that cost - get this - $2 for the same quantity. In addition as per Indian law the packaging had this price printed on it to prevent overcharging.

3) Orthopedist: The complaint was leg pain. The diagnosis after physical examination and taking three X rays was osteoarthritis worsened by some undesirable exercises. The treatment was avoiding those exercises, wearing a knee brace and taking ibuprofen tablets for a few days. The list charges for this 45 minute visit (15 minutes with the doctor, and the rest with X rays technicians, assistant and billing clerk) were $380 though we paid $220 at Aetna's negotiated rates.

In France an orthopedist will charge 25 euros and an uninsured visitor will pay about 45 euros for X rays (locals pay less) bringing the total to about $90.  In Germany the doctor may cost about $20 more, so overall cost is $110. In Pune, India a top orthopedic surgeon Dr. Dudani charges $6 - $12 per visit depending on where you see him, and X rays cost $5 - $15 in private facilities bringing the total to $11 - $27.

So there you have it. Our March personal medical expenses in U.S.A. for routine treatment were 2 - 3 times what we'd have paid in West Europe even without any state subsidies, and ten or more times those in India.  And it would be all traditional fee for service in those other places as well, with none of those quality versus quantity approaches that seem to be distracting Mr. Obama and his health administration.

A Quarter of a Loaf is Better Than None

By the Mar. 31 deadline for 2014 health coverage enrollment of 7.1 million subscribers under the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare) has exceeded the original projection of 7 million.  This has happened despite the inexcusable initial problems with the federal enrollment website, some ongoing glitches including on the last day, and fierce Republican propaganda against this program. 

Given their ineptness this should hardly have been "a victory lap of the Obama administration" with Health Secretary Kathleen Sebelius "beaming in the front row during the Rose Garden ceremony".  But at least the administration can heave a sigh of relief, then set about trying to fix the other glaring deficiencies of Obamacare and our health care system. 

Chief among them is the failure to effectively address overpricing which is the root cause of our colossal health expenditure.  A single payer system or a strong public option in Obamacare would have been far more effective in matching the market power of providers with a dominant buyer. Reform opponents that include private health insurers and a majority of the health industry outplayed the Obama administration in 2009 and 2010 and thwarted this.  Provisions under Obamacare like Accountable Care Organizations (ACO) or even the stalled Independent Payment Advisory Board are unlikely to drastically dent costs.

Still, there are other effective ways to slash our prices and bring them close to European levels by using supply side economics (more hospitals and doctors and competition among them).  These steps are not hard as I laid out back in my Mar. 28, '11 post.  The difficulties are primarily political, with the health lobby spending half a billion dollars annually to protect their advantage, and this is just the "official" money changing hands.

There are some encouraging signs.  I have repeatedly stressed the need and ways to expand our doctor supply, e.g., in this Sep. 11, '10 post.  It would be best to remove residency caps for all specialties altogether, but now Obama is at least seeking an extra $5 billion from Congress to train more doctors.  It may be an isolated step or signal the Obama administration is finally turning to fix supply imbalances and foster more provider (not just insurer) competition. I hope it's the latter.  Combined with the enrollment projections being achieved we're still very far from where our health care needs to be, though on a much better track than the Republicans' "Repeal and Replace" mantra.

Write and Wrong

There are - finally - more articles in the popular media exposing price gouging as the root cause of high US health costs.  But two big concerns remain.

First, such writings are still too few and far between to sufficiently penetrate public consciousness to create the political climate and pressure for reforms that align health prices with other countries.  Besides, the message continues to be drowned out by the flood of red herrings and misinformation put out by pundits funded by the health industry, and naively accepted by the media.

For example, type something like "why are US health prices so high" into Google search and you'll get a stream of articles and quotes blaming unnecessary care or treatment for high costs.  This "quantity" argument is quite false since Americans in aggregate get far less care than Europeans in terms of doctor visits (40% less) and hospitalization (20% less) according to OECD health data. This dwarfs any "excess" care Americans receive in the likes of MRIs, heart bypasses and knee replacements. There are also the many sins of omission - you'll see very few articles in health journals on US pricing anomalies, and none that honestly analyze the reasons for them, or how they can be addressed.

Second, and a bigger concern is that even articles sounding the alert on prices contain serious mistakes about root causes and where the money goes, which derail the quest for best solutions.  Why does this happen? One reason is that the authors have spent so much time unearthing and exposing the fact of overpricing that they've little left over to go into tedious research about the reasons.  Most or all authors happen to be "outsiders" getting little help (or even deliberate misinformation) in quest of answers from health experts and academics beholden to their industry.

There's also a psychological mindset as we tend to ascribe the best motives to our doctors who typically care deeply about their patients.  We (wrongly) transfer this trust in doctors to their powerful associations like the AMA that seek to maximize their members' benefits.  To achieve such objectives these bodies manipulate the political system to the extent it lets them, even at heavy cost to the overall economy or societal welfare.  Writers who don't see this are giving a free pass to our doctors while blaming greedy management, bureaucrats, insurers, drug companies and trial lawyers with less benign personae.  While all these players contribute to higher prices the maximum benefit goes to doctors, so the most needed reforms  will cause their earnings to drop.  And conversely, avoiding reforms opposed by doctor groups almost guarantees continuance of overpricing. 

 Here to my mind are five examples of some welcome facts mixed with misstatements and oversight that can lead away from good solutions:

1) Steven Brill in his famous Mar. 4 / Feb. 20, '13 "Bitter Pill" Time article admirably exposed outrageous charging by US health providers.  He further drove home this message in various media interviews, including on Jon Stewart's Daily Show on Feb. 21.  His biggest mistake lay in ignoring his own dictum of "following the money" to declare that "Everyone in health care makes money (from overpricing) except for doctors."  He says most of the excess money goes to the hospitals' top executives, citing hospital CEO salaries even in "non-profit" University hospitals that are multiples of those of their university presidents.  Actually, under 1% of large hospital revenues typically go towards C-Suite (including CEO) salaries.   Also, administrative heads of departments in hospitals are not bureaucrats but invariably senior doctors in a dual role.

So where do most of hospital excess revenues (i.e., those over and above what their European counterparts would take in for equivalent services) go?  A lot of it goes to doctors either in the form of salaries or perks hidden (for PR and tax purposes) as expenses. About the latter, think of lavish family vacations passed off as conferences, luxury cars expended as work vehicles, and payments on large homes treated as home offices.  Hospitals zealously guard their books which is why Brill who spent most of his energies digging into details of overpricing may not have grasped how the money is really spent.  Other than excess compensation there are of course other big buckets of unnecessary expenses or inefficiency as well.  These include bottlenecks due to regulations or union contracts, administrative costs due to a complex insurance system and fear of litigation, and sheer ineptness in a system devoid of market competition.

2)  Bill Keller, former executive editor of The New York Times and as well informed a person as any, acknowledged how even he was led to believe that high US health costs were due to too much care.  As he wrote in the Times' "Carrots for Doctors" on Jan. 27, '13 he finally learned the true culprit was prices.  His main point was that pay-for-performance (P4P) will do little to improve "our absurdly priced, underperforming health care system" and he did well to highlight the role of pricing. 

But Keller remains mistaken about the true cause of overpricing (which is managed scarcity of doctor supply and the market power of hospitals) and ways to correct this.  He is duped by the doctors' propaganda of "the high price of malpractice insurance being a favorite, and genuine culprit."  (It actually averages just 3.2% of doctors' revenue according to this site.)  He also over-emphasizes the role of single payer systems in keeping prices down, suggesting a damaging converse that in its absence (as it's "politically unpalatable") we must live with high prices.  See examples in the point below to debunk this.

3) Ezra Klein has been key in mainstream coverage of pricing issues as in his Mar. 3, '12 "Why an MRI Costs $1,080 in America and $280 in France".  However, his views like in his Feb. 25, '13 Wonktalk with Sarah Kliff discussing Brill's Time article overemphasizes the need and role of "rate-setting" as the answer.  Rate-setting is where the government, typically in a single payer system according to Klein, lays down the rates that hospitals can charge for various services and procedures.  This implies that prices can only be brought down significantly if we bring about a single payer system, which is a non-starter with Republicans.  While I'm all for single payer which can solve a lot of problems it is by no means the only viable option.

A parallel route can achieve similar or better results while being acceptable (at least in theory) to Republicans and free market thinkers.  This includes introducing real competition through trade, allowing new hospitals with disruptive business and operational models be set up and letting the supply of doctors rise.  Take the example of top Indian and Thai hospitals with prices that are a third of European hospitals (or a sixth of what US hospitals typically get) that are magnets for medical tourism.  Their prices are not determined by any kind of rate-setting but by market forces, and unlike US hospitals they disclose their "real" prices for various procedures and services up front.

4) Scott Gottlieb in his "The Doctor Won't See You Now..." March 14 Op-Ed in the WSJ lambasts Obamacare for "making the local doctor-owned medical practice a relic."  He says this happens because Obamacare (a) favors hospital owned accountable care organizations (ACOs), (b) replaces fee-for-service with flat pricing, and (c) is "mandating all medical offices install expensive IT systems."

 Dr. Gottlieb rightly questions the savings potential of ACOs, and the long standing anomaly of Medicare paying higher rates for services by doctors as hospital employees than those in private practice.  But most of his remaining narrative is flawed.

Rates paid to US doctors in private practice are multiples of those paid to their European counterparts - it's just that prices for doctor services in hospitals is more egregious.  So it isn't a case of hapless doctors being so squeezed as to throw up their hands in private practice, but of being lured into hospitals with even more lavish pay packages and shorter hours.

Flat pricing is what takes away the incentive for wasteful and unneeded care, not to talk of stopping to reward bad care and medical mistakes with more fees for additional services.  World class hospitals abroad that attract medical tourists have flat pricing. This enables them to quote up front for surgical packages, in contrast to the hideously opaque US pricing system.

The government is right to use the carrot (subsidies for conversion) and stick (lower payments for holdouts) policy to get medical establishment to migrate to electronic health record keeping (EHR).  It improves efficiency, makes prior patient history easily accessible and exchangeable for better treatment, lowers costs long term and reduces medical mistakes.  Thanks partly at least to the government push over half of doctors and 80% of hospitals have switched to EHRs, up from 17% and 9% respectively in 2008.

5) Lisa Krieger in her Feb. 5, '12 "Cost of Dying" in Mercury News exposed overpricing without even realizing it as she was focused instead on unnecessary end of life care for her 88 year-old father. She doesn't question the $323,000 charges at Stanford Hospital for 10 days of stay with mostly standard tests and care.  Just the stay in their intensive care unit (ICU) was billed at $25,000 per day.  Ms. Krieger sympathizes with the hospital for receiving "only" $67,800 from Medicare ($6,780 per day!) so that, according to her, they'd need to make up their losses by overcharging private insurers. 

In contrast my 94 year-old father-in-law was taken to one of Pune's (India) best hospitals - Ruby Hall Clinic - this past month.  He was there for eight days receiving essentially the same treatment and tests as described by Ms. Krieger for her father.  It included MRI's, CT Scans, pathology tests, feeding tube, oxygen mask, round the clock nursing care, etc.  He too was in the ICU, in the cardiac care section (CCU) with a deluxe private room.  He passed away after eight days despite all efforts.  There isn't a more upright, decent and engaging person than he was, but that's another story.  His total bill as a private and cash paying patient was about $3,000, or $400 per day, that too at the most upscale and priciest hospital by Pune standards.  That's 6% of the rate at which "stingy" Medicare paid Stanford Hospital, or 1% of what Stanford would have charged an uninsured patient.

Our sky-high health care prices and resultant financial and budgetary morass is an offshoot of a corrupt legislative environment influenced by powerful medical interests.  While the popular media articles drawing long overdue attention to such prices are welcome, the above examples show the need for much more in-depth reporting of the true reasons and fixes for this.  Only then can public awareness and outrage rise enough to force politicians to act.

States Can Lower Prices If DC Won't

Mitt Romney's pick of Paul Ryan as his VP running mate ensures that the Medicare and health care debate takes center stage.  It should be a strong card for the Democrats though Republicans may succeed in confusing voters as to who really threatens Medicare.  Neither side calls out the prime cause of our unmanageable health care costs - the prices - nor surprisingly does most of the media.  For example the NY Times on Aug. 21 in its extensive and otherwise well written "Rationing Health Care More Fairly" makes no mention of this elephant in the room.

Actually, our problems disappear - with no need for rationing benefits or giving up on universal coverage - if our health prices are halved so as to approach those in "expensive" Europe.  The steps we need are listed in my March 28, '11 post, and none of these are administratively or legislatively hard if you strip out special interest politics.

It's the last that stands in the way of reforms that would lower tariffs, as health industry players either pay or intimidate most lawmakers, though a few may (still!) just be in the dark.  Ideology has little to do with it, since Republicans should favor increased competition and supply based economics.  Yet they are often complicit in protecting providers from market forces. 

President Obama missed a huge opportunity in 2009 to early 2010 when he faced Republican (and a sliver of Blue Dog Democratic) intransigence on key reform proposals like a strong public option.  Had he and his advisers been more astute they would have switched to simply pushing to lower the age for Medicare from 65 to 55 (or even 25).  This move towards "Medicare for All" would have been far simpler, easily understood and popular with the public.  And above all, it needed only 50 Senate votes to pass through "Reconciliation", instead of the 60 to break a filibuster.  This near-single payer model with more buying leverage could push down prices, with part of the public savings going to allow tax breaks for those receiving employer health coverage.  So it could make almost all payers and patients better off, and be a lot more difficult to demonize.

Instead, we've ended up with an inferior and far more complicated Affordable Care Act that commendably extends coverage but does little to control costs. Where do we go from here? Washington is paralyzed ahead of the elections, and may largely remain so afterwards.  Even if Democrats beat the odds to win the Presidency and both houses of Congress, health lobbies need to win over just a handful among them to stymie measures that would lower prices.  So don't count on Congress.

But there's good news.  Individual states can achieve a lot of price reductions on their own, and more so with support from just the President's Administration.   That's because states have much control over the key factors behind high prices - supply constraints like a scarcity of doctors; hospitals facing little competition; and wasteful practices and regulations. 

Here are key steps that states can take on their own:

• Eliminate physician shortages with the help of foreign doctors.   The existing license requirements typically include clearing all three parts of an examination (USMLE) that in turn require completing at least a year of US residency. But states can set up parallel criteria to let foreign doctors without such residency get licensed to practice within the entire state or even just sub-regions designated as underserved areas. The states of course can and should emphasize quality, restricting eligibility only to candidates who have substantial experience and are trained in reputed, approved institutions, so they are expected to be on par or better than their typical US counterparts. They should clear the USMLE provided the doctor dominated bodies sponsoring the tests agree to let them participate.  Once US doctor bodies realize that they cannot restrict physician supply they'll likely go along with changes that allow the US to meet future requirements internally.

• Use the same licensing procedure as above to allow foreign doctors based in their home countries to practice telemedicine on US patients in the state.  In an April 2011 narrative I had explained how effective and inexpensive this could be.  A local nurse can act as the hands of the foreign doctors who see and treat patients through videoconferencing with such an office visit costing a third to a sixth of typical US rates.  So even the uninsured get a huge relief.  With ready availability of such doctors wait times can be eliminated and patients can see their doctors as needed on a walk-in basis.  Medicare under section 1834(m) of the Social Security Act allows payments for such telehealth services.

• Enable and encourage good foreign managed hospitals to set up shop.   This includes easing state rules that hold up hospital creation in general, like the CON (Certificate of Need) laws.    We need more hospitals regardless of ownership simply to reduce the market power of incumbents.  But foreign-run hospitals with their cost efficiency will change the whole dynamic, forcing others around them to adapt and lower prices dramatically.  These hospitals typically employ their own doctors, so ensuring availability by importing more doctors as above ties in well with this proposal. 

• Complement HHS measures to reduce unnecessary, burdensome or obsolete regulations on hospitals and healthcare providers. An obvious one to consider is malpractice caps even though it's more of an excuse for, than a cause of, high prices and costs.

 States have little control over some aspects.  For example, drug prices can largely be impacted only by federal measures, as by allowing drug imports from other countires, or for Medicare or CMS to directly negotiate prices.  Medical tourism (sending patients abroad) under public funding is not possible without changes to sections 1812, 1814(f)(1) and 1862(a)(4) of the Social Security Act.

In other matters states can achieve much on their own, and more so with minor federal support.  For example, states can license foreign doctors to practice here, but their visa and work authorization falls within federal purview.  An expansion of J or H-1B visas for doctors will certainly help, though even without it states will be able to get doctors under existing rules, or from countries whose citizens have less restrictions.  And then again, we may get foreign doctors who first come into the US for other reasons, or immigrate after marrying US citizens.

 Which states are most likely or suited to take the lead in such measures?  Almost all can hugely benefit, whether they are Democratic or Republican, because the massive cost savings can be used to fill budget holes, extend coverage or lower taxes depending on ideology.  California has often led in path breaking legislation and is a top candidate. Its crisis of budgetary shortfall and desire to continue providing generous Medicare ("Medi-Cal") benefits while avoiding other cuts lend further impetus for it to act.  Other such states with centrist and innovative leadership that come to mind are New York, Illinois and New Jersey.  And while they can easily act individually they may even consult and band together for a common approach.  Once experiments like this succeed, other states and even Washington should soon jump in.

Won't health interests on getting wind of any impending changes in the states jump to exert the same kind of influence as they do in Washington to block them?  Very likely yes. That's why payers who enormously benefit from lower costs should be prepared to ensure these reforms don't get derailed.  The best suited for such a role are the large employers.  I have long maintained that their National Business Group on Health should focus on becoming a potent counter-lobby to push for politically difficult reforms that enormously benefit payers and patients.  The other thing in favor of state reforms is that their budget gaps are more dire, they cannot print their own money and gain more from healthcare savings.

 When it comes to fixing healthcare prices states should rush in when the US fears to tread.

Do Our Doctor Imports Hurt Their Home Countries?

The US has only about two thirds of Europe's per capita availability of doctors.  This scarcity is the largest cause of severe overpricing of medical services that underlies the US health care crisis.  Any sensible policy should massively expand the domestic pipeline of doctor supply, but there's a decade's gap between initiating such long overdue measures and boosting the ranks of trained doctors.

The immediate solution is to import highly qualified and experienced doctors from accredited medical institutions around the world that can be put in place in as little as a year or two. Attracting such doctors is easy as actual US physician earnings are about thrice those in Europe and tenfold over their peers in developing countries.  Setting high standards and requiring these foreign doctors to clear the same board exams as domestic doctors should address any real or feigned concerns about quality of care.

Objectors also cite the plight of countries like India (a front page WSJ story on July 30) whose best doctors are ideal candidates because of their qualifications, salary differential, and fluency in English.  They say India already has much fewer doctors per capita, and its populace will suffer further hardship if the US poaches their top medical practitioners.  Such concerns by US doctors and their proxies are probably self serving and hypocritical, aimed at preserving their "scarcity premium" and thwarting competition in their home turf.  It is like US workers opposing imports out of professed solidarity with foreign workers toiling in sweat shops.

I had briefly countered in my June 27, 2010 post that remittances to, and investments in their country of origin by immigrant US doctors should by themselves generate enough resources to train several more doctors.  But in our collaborative work Prof. Jagdish Bhagwati has been questioned about this "brain drain" even by some policy advisers with legitimate concerns about the donor countries.  So here's more elaboration for why the benefits of this free flow of doctors should exceed the costs for a donor country like India:

1. Remittances finance replacement doctors.  As compared to the US, India is not only far more cost efficient in medical treatment but also in training doctors.  And it's not just because US and Canadian medical schools absurdly require entrants to be college graduates, unlike medical schools elsewhere that only require completion of high school.  It's also that quality education in India costs only 10%-20% annually of the tab in USA.  So while the 11 or more years of post high school that it takes to get a doctor through residency in the US costs about $600,000, training to the same level in India in 7 years costs about $40,000.

Consider now remittances and money flow benefits by emigrant doctors which have never been tracked separately.  There are various estimates of remittances by all Indian emigrants, but a US Congressional report has private remittances from the US to India at $3.2B as quoted on Feb. 25, 2011 by the Economic Times.  This comes to 5%-6% of worldwide remittance inflows from the Indian diaspora, estimated by the Indian government to be $40.8B in the eight months from April to December of 2009.  According to the 2009 American Community Survey of the US Census Bureau (S0201) there are 2.6 million Indian immigrants of which 1 million are full time workers, so the annual remittance per worker is $3,200.

But the mean earnings of an Indian worker are $80,000 while doctors average over 4 times this. Taking remittances in the same proportion of earnings, an emigrant Indian doctor would remit $12,000.  Even if we scale this down to half (Prof. Bhagwati thinks the well-off Indians here may not send to relatives back home at the same rate and may instead simply bring them over) that is $6,000 annually. Over a 25 year career span in the US that's $150,000 in remittances alone - enough to train four new Indian doctors for every exported one.  These numbers exclude informal or illegal remittances like hawala transactions - the reason a World Bank report regards official estimates to considerably underestimate actual money flows.

2. Benefits of shared expertize and enhanced country brand.  We saw how countries that banned or restricted emigration during the Iron Curtain years limited the development and vibrancy of their own skilled workforce.  Conversely, the free flow of ideas, knowledge and experience between emigrant Indian professionals and their home country counterparts has enriched and raised professional, including medical, standards in India.  Then there are perceptions in the US.  One in 20 doctors here is of Indian origin which is a reason why patients think well of, and are comfortable with them. That can significantly boost medical tourism to India if and when constraints of politics and worries about legal exposure abate.

3. Outsized contributions by doctors returning home. Indian doctors in the US get first hand experience in the world's best system in terms of quality of health care (even if it's also the least cost effective.)  They have it so good here that in terms of percentage very few return home. But those that do have an immensely positive and transformational impact on Indian medical care.  Most of the top private medical hospitals in India have been founded or are headed by doctors who have practiced in the US or UK.  These include the Apollo Hospitals Group founded by Dr. Pratap Reddy, Escorts and now Medanta - The Medicity set up by Dr. Naresh Trehan, the Asian Heart Institute headed by Dr. Ramakanta Panda, and Narayana Hrudayalaya established by Dr. Devi Shetty.  Within such hospitals are prominent US and UK trained doctors who are renowned for their specialist surgical expertise and have trained many other doctors.

In sum, a free movement of doctors should be a win-win for both the US and the donor country.  Not all imported doctors will come from developing countries, of course.  The enormous earnings differential between the doctors in the US and other first world countries will persist to some extent even if and when US doctor scarcities are addressed.  This will ensure that many doctors from Europe including the most affluent countries like UK, Germany and France will come to the US if they're allowed to practice here.

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Aside: Some other useful background readings and links:

• A 2006 overview of skilled Indian migration to developed and gulf countries by Binod Khadria.
• American FactFinder of the US Census Bureau for US population, demographic and economic data.

It's the Prices, Stupid

Americans who've been abroad know that the cost of living in most other developed countries is much higher than in the US. In a study of the world's most expensive cities in 2011, Tokyo ranked as No. 1, other Japanese, West European and Australian cities ranked high up, and America's most expensive city New York was way down at No. 44.  Yes, in getting more for your money the US land of plenty remains a haven for its residents, shoppers and visitors.

Except when it comes to health care.  Why are "actual" prices (the "list" prices are even worse) for hospital stay over three times as high as in those otherwise costly foreign places, doctor fees 2 - 3 times as high, and drug prices twice as high?  More importantly how has this crucial disparity eluded our leaders, lawmakers and pundits in coming up with solutions for our unmanageable and growing health care costs?  Thanks to this neglect (or collusion) most Americans have swallowed the propaganda that Medicare and Medicaid underpay providers resulting in their need to recover losses by charging more from private insurers.

Actually the Medicare rates are twice as high as those for providers in West Europe.  Even poor Medicaid (that is routinely spurned by many providers per this NY Times June 15 article) pays $100 for an office visit that would cost even "regular" insurers a mere $50-$70 in Europe.  Going back to Nov. 21, '09 I've repeatedly wondered why our governmental HHS or CMS won't conduct and publicize studies comparing US provider rates with other countries.  But other studies and agencies hint at the underlying problem.

A Health Affairs article (24, no. 4 (2005): 903-914) ruled out lower wait times and defensive medicine (two favorite excuses of US apologists) as significant underlying reasons for cost differences. A 2003 Health Affairs article (also titled "It's The Prices, Stupid) explicitly identifies high US prices as the driver of high costs, though without going much into the root causes or remedial action. A Congressional CRS report of Sept. 17, 2007 also mentions high US prices while speculating (p. 19) that physician and other provider shortages are a probable cause.

A focus on correcting high prices will provide the easiest and most straightforward solutions to our health care and related budgetary crisis, with little or no sacrifices by Americans.  It will even boost the job creation and the economy by making the US workforce most cost competitive internationally, and lowering the tax (or deficit) burden.

I've already laid out like on March 28 the required corrective steps, starting with increasing provider supply and competition through domestic planning, and in the shorter term, by importing health services or providers. The hitch is the reluctance of leaders and experts to antagonize the US health providers and lobbies that have been thriving for decades on exorbitantly excessive rents.  These groups have outsize influence as great paymasters and financial contributors to politicians and pundits alike.

That's why most measures and proposals touted currently do not impact provider rates.  They instead involve doing with less health care (some in good ways like the Independent Payment Advisory Board that many lawmakers sadly oppose per this NYT Apr. 19 report).  Or worse, like the Paul Ryan plan that's justifiably panned by Paul Krugman (e.g., in his NYT June 6 column) that shifts the cost burden from the government to patients while increasing the role of private insurers as middlemen.  All the talk about increasing competition this way or through Accountable Care Organizations is meaningless so long as providers are scarce or enjoy huge market power.

Back to correcting prices, as I said on April 21, payers and groups like the National Business Group on Health can play a big role in offsetting health industry influence to achieve effective and "real" solutions.

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Footnote:
To show price disparities across countries I included above a link to the IFHP Comparative Price Report of 2009 because it has useful information including on Medicare pricing. Update: A 2011 version is now available.

Bin Laden, Pakistan And US Health Care

This April 12 WSJ article "Medical Schools Can't Keep Up" quotes the AAMC as saying the US facing a shortage of 150,000 doctors in 15 years.  Actually, we're 350,000 short right now as compared to OECD averages,with the problem worsening over time.  Steps by the government to rectify this in the short and the long term as outlined in  my September 11, 2010 post are straightforward, but no one seems bothered.

This doctor scarcity is not accidental.  Apart from causing hardship to an under-served populace it is the biggest cause of US health care overpricing per my Feb. 10 post.  I see parallels between  Osama Bin Laden hidden away in Pakistan and this health care situation in the US.

• OBL hid "in plain sight" under the nose of the Pakistan government for years.  Ditto for managed US doctor shortages that have escaped US government and media attention for decades.

• Pakistan and its ISI was either colluding with OBL in keeping him hidden, or amazingly incompetent.  Given the location and size of the hideout it's probably the former but we don't know for sure.  Either way it shatters notions of Pakistan being a satisfactory partner in combating terror. The US government and lawmakers are either deliberately allowing doctor scarcities, or are amazingly ignorant of it.  Given that they inexplicably legislated caps on funding medical residencies to make an awful situation even worse, it's probably the former but we don't know for sure.  Either way they have seriously undermined public interest.

• Pakistan and the ISI selectively target some terrorist networks like the Pakistan Taliban while ignoring or shielding arguably bigger ones like the Afghan Taliban and Haqqani network that further their interests. US lawmakers and health experts espouse health remedies like use of electronic health records, prevention and wellness measures, anti obesity campaigns and (for Paul Ryan) shifting costs to consumers.  But they avoid exposing and moving against the biggest sources of gain for their benefactors - doctor scarcity and hospital market ("monopoly") power that jack up prices and overall costs. 

• After OBL's killing and the resultant questions about Pakistanis' role in his hiding in their midst for so long, Pakistan indignantly asserted that it aided the capture of more terrorists than any other country.  It's just that they "overlooked" the worst and biggest ones.  In the US there's no dearth of organizations, publications, expert opinions and articles on how to improve health or health care.  Every major magazine or newspaper has a section on "health."  Government bodies like the CMS, CDC and CBO have millions of pages of health data.  Notably absent is material comparing payments for procedures, medical fees to doctors, true doctor earnings, drug prices (particularly for generics where no royalties or patents are involved) in the US with other countries.  CMS with its (and perhaps IRS) vast databases can task a handful of its analysts to compile and disseminate all such information within a week if they so want.  Instead, even the little data they put out on payments for some procedures was horribly flawed and (no surprise) heavily understated.

• Ongoing terrorism can be good business for Pakistan.  Pakistan gains in military and financial aid so long as the threat of terrorism against the West continues in this region. Excess earnings by the health industry can be good business for US politicians and health experts.  Even a fraction of a percent of these can be plowed back for substantial payoffs and political contributions.

• Even those in Pakistani establishment who genuinely want to combat all terrorism can be pressured by public sentiment and risk to their well being and careers, or seduced by blandishments to help some groups. The same way, US health experts avoid exposing overpricing and other key aspects behind excess expenditures, because of the way medical groups can control their careers, funding and research grants. The editorial boards of health publications are dominated by doctors so even pure academics telling inconvenient truths can suffer in their "publish or perish" world. And public health officials are aware of lucrative post-government opportunities (as in Thomas Scully's case) so long as they serve and shield their industry well.

• Bin Laden, terror networks and Mideast wars have caused trauma, suffering and deep financial loss to the US.  There were almost 3,000 deaths on September 11, '01 and another 6,000 military deaths (600 annually) in subsequent wars costing about $100 billion per year.  Doctor shortages and overpriced US health care impose suffering and financial burden that is far higher.  The excess expenditure compared to peer economies is already over $1 trillion a year and getting worse. And 45.000 die annually due to inadequate care and lack of insurance.

I'm obviously not serious about equating health industry abuses with terrorism.  It's just that double dealing and conflicts of interest can be endemic in foreign relations as well as domestic situations.  In the latter we fortunately have more control in taking corrective action once there is public awareness and resultant pressure.

How Trade Can Transform US Health Care

 [This post is part of my ongoing collaboration with Prof. Jagdish Bhagwati.]

Imagine that lawmakers come together to solve the health care (and budget) crisis by taking all the steps outlined in my last post.  Intrinsic to their plan is the critical role of trade in health services to achieve quick results.

There are four ways in which such trade occurs. "Arm's length" services are typically found online: The provider and the patient can be physically far apart. In medical travel patients go to doctors elsewhere. A third way is by foreign entities creating and staffing hospitals in the US. Finally, foreign doctors and other medical personnel can be brought to the US to tend to patients here.

A narrative below illustrates how wisely implementing a comprehensive trade policy in health services can transform our health care experience and costs.

Jane isn’t feeling well and goes to a facility staffed by two nurses.  This has some typical medical examination rooms which also include a couple of large LCD screens and a video cam that allow for Skype like videoconferencing.  A nurse asks Jane for the reason for her visit then ushers her into one of these rooms.  The screens lights up and Jane is instantly in video conference with Dr. Gupta, an experienced and highly qualified primary care physician based in India.  Dr. Gupta has cleared the rigorous medical board exams set by the US state Jane resides in, and is licensed to practice telemedicine here. 

It feels as if Dr. Gupta is in the same room as Jane, except that the nurse does all the examining under his directions and reports her findings.  Dr. Gupta then prescribes medication, treatment and follow-up visits if needed.  Also, if Jane needs a specialist like a cardiologist, Dr. Gupta instantly connects her to one.  Cardiologist Dr. Sharma appears on the second screen.  Dr. Gupta briefs Dr. Sharma about Jane and either stays on or hands off to Dr. Sharma who then “examines” Jane with the nurse’s help before prescribing treatment.  Any imaging tests ordered (MRI, PET, CAT, X-Ray) are digitally transmitted and reported on by a certified India based radiologist.


Jane’s insurer pays $10 - $15 for each doctor.  This is twice their domestic rate, and enough incentive for them to have obtained US certification and practice telemedicine.  The insurer also pays $15-$20 to cover the US nurse’s and the facility maintenance charges.  The cost of a typical visit ranges from $25 for a PCP to $45 for a PCP-specialist combo, which is just a third to a sixth of normal US payments. 

Since it is all digitally captured, Jane has the option of saving and retaining her consultation, or having it deleted for privacy reasons.  If she likes these doctors she can ask to see them specifically and schedule future visits accordingly.  She can also anonymously rate them, for the benefit of health authorities and other patients.


If Jane needs a major surgery like hip or knee replacement or a heart bypass, she and a companion can go on an all expenses paid trip to India.  She is treated at a top Indian hospital with a safety record at par or better than US hospitals, and recuperates in a five star hotel before returning home.  Her insurer pays a third in all of what it costs for the procedure in the US.  The incentive for Jane to go is high quality (and even pampered) care with lower chances of complications, and a waiver of all deductibles and co-pays.


Of course, in a majority of situations medical travel is not feasible.  Jane then goes to a new local hospital that is run by a foreign chain that has combined high quality with low cost in hospitals in its home country.  It incorporated its efficiency and superior practices into its US holdings, and is profitable even on reduced Medicare and Medicaid payments. 


When Jane needs to see local doctors she goes to highly experienced and qualified foreign doctors who have been certified to practice after clearing all US board exams.  They are no longer required to undergo US medical residency which was the main impediment to augmenting doctor supply.  Even after Medicaid rate cuts these doctors seeing such patients make many times what they earned back home, and happily accept all patients.


Then there’s Jane’s friend Mary who is very distrustful of foreign health care providers and insists on “all-American” care.  Even Mary is now much better off.  Thanks to the increased supply of providers she no longer has to wait to see her US doctors.  They’re also more attentive now and no longer spurn Medicare or Medicaid patients even after the reduction of rates.  The same holds for her local US hospital that seems to be improving its quality and cost efficiency by learning from the foreign transplants.  Having less market power it too now accepts lower insurer rates.

 So benefits of the trade in health services flow not just to those who directly avail of them, but also to the rest that don’t.  Moreover, the gains come quickly, as early as in 2012, with almost full effects in place in 3-5 years.  As compared to this, purely domestic solutions, for example, of increasing the supply of doctors will take a decade to even begin showing some effect. 

Also, although federal orchestration and coordination is clearly preferable, a lot of the benefits can be availed at the states level by their own legislative and executive action.  That is because many of the impediments to trade in health services originate in, or are at least addressable through state enactments.  These include licensing requirements of qualified foreign doctors, permission to set up hospitals, who can prescribe drugs, and limits of legal exposure.

What will be the impact of such trade on American jobs?  Thanks to the ongoing and projected scarcities among health care providers their loss of jobs will be minimal.  Some like the doctors are likely to see their outsize earning premiums over their European counterparts decrease significantly but will still earn handsomely.  Other medical personnel in short supply may also lose a chunk of their overtime earnings, but are very unlikely to lose their jobs.  In contrast the jobs outside of the health industry should increase since reduced health care overhead makes US labor more attractive to employers.  This should vastly outweigh any decrease in health jobs.

Apart from service improvements and expanded coverage, what are the potential savings?  A lot depends on how this trade is allowed and which modes are emphasized.  But broadly speaking, the “US premium” on the price of health services can easily be brought from the present over 100% to about 30% over the prices in Europe.

Chastened medical providers who presently sneer at Medicaid rates and threaten to turn away Medicare patients if the rates are reduced may instead vie for this business.  In addition to lower domestic prices due to competition, there will be direct savings from off-shored services.  All told, the total US health expenditure can drop from a NHE projected $3.3 trillion in 2014 by over $1 trillion annually, with more than half of this being public funds of CME and the states.  Even in 2012 if action is taken right away to qualify foreign providers, telemedicine and medical travel can kick in to yield relatively painless savings of about $50 billion.

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Dec. 21, 2012 update: Telemedicine within the US is now maturing - see The Atlantic Dec. 11, 2012 article. The same thing can be done with foreign based doctors.

Do This To Fix Health Care And Our Budget

Lawmakers and officials now seem serious about ballooning health care costs, but they're still not addressing the root issues.  They are unaware (or choose to ignore) that the major problem is of overpriced care, not excessive or even wasteful care.

This is actually good news per my previous post, as the fixes for price distortions are relatively straightforward and painless.  That is, except for special industry interests who have bought and wielded a lot of influence.  But they may finally be trumped by public angst, and by other players that benefit from reforms and can compensate lawmakers to do the right thing (more on that in a subsequent post).

So what exactly should be done?  Here's the recipe, in two parts.  The first and major part lowers prices by correcting the scarcities as well as the lack of competition and innovation that have caused US health care to be over twice as expensive as in Europe.  The second part is common sense steps to reduce waste and foolish splurging of resources for minimal benefit.

Here's the road map to lowering prices while increasing availability of resources to expand coverage:

• Increase the supply of doctors as I detailed in my Sept. 11, 2010 post.  This involves expanding medical schools and setting up new ones, both of which allow entry directly from high school with applicants meeting core requirements through AP classes.  Increase the number and support for residencies, while eliminating those caps imposed by doctor dominated bodies like the ACGME and the RRCs whose members benefit from scarcities.  There are over 40% more doctors in Europe on average than in the US.  A change in policy will start increasing domestic supply of doctors after about 10 years, so it is important to import doctors in the mean time, per my June 27, 2010 post.  This should ideally be orchestrated at the federal level, but failing that the states can make changes in licensing requirements on their own. 

• Leverage telemedicine, especially with qualified foreign doctors who can be allowed to treat US patients, as described in my April 30, 2010 post.  This will add to patients' convenience while removing the need for a significant chunk of US doctor office visits and costly readings by US diagnostic radiologists.  Apart from direct savings from payments to foreign providers that are a fraction of US rates, this will expand the availability of US physicians and lower prices here as well. 

• Allow and encourage more hospitals to be set up, particularly those managed by reputed foreign chains, per my June 8, 2010 post.  Cost effective innovations and practices from abroad can really help, in addition to the necessity of competition.  US hospitals should never have been allowed by anti-trust authorities to consolidate as they did since the early 1990's. That has allowed them to jack up prices as there are few alternatives for payers and patients, and 90% of even metropolitan areas in the US now face low or no competition among hospitals.

•  Encourage and allow medical travel abroad as described in my May 13, 2010 post.  The facilities and support infrastructures for this are largely in place so the benefits kick in much faster than through other measures.  Apart from direct cost savings that can be up to 90% for a destination country like India, this again diverts some demand for US hospitals and doctors.  That reduces some of the market power and scarcity premium in pricing in the US, and allows for lower rates here.  If HHS / CMS takes the lead on medical travel for major, "standard" surgeries this will enable private insurers to follow suit while considerably reducing their own legal exposure.  That's because if they strictly follow or exceed the same protocols as the government, juries are far less likely to find against them when there are adverse outcomes.  (These are inevitable when large numbers of patients are involved, even if the complication and mortality rates in world class foreign hospitals are lower than in the US.)

While I have stressed addressing doctor scarcity above there are also current and looming shortages of other types of health care workers like nurses and physical therapists.  These have a much smaller impact on health costs, but should also be addressed through expansion of training facilities and enhanced intake.  We may need even more nurses to take over some tasks presently performed by physicians, including locally helping patients who "see" their doctors through telemedicine.

Here's the second part, the ways to reduce inefficiencies and wasteful practices that receive more media coverage and commentary by pundits:

•  Allow drug importation and for Medicare to directly negotiate prices of drugs that it pays for.  There's no valid reason to protect a system where US prices are twice as high as anywhere else.

• Use comparative effectiveness research to guide treatment, particularly when paid for with public funds.  Factor in cost effectiveness as is explicitly done by the NHS in UK.  Substitute fee-for-service with capitation or global payment.  Counter Palin type "death panels" misinformation and encourage sensible end of life planning.  Some sensible cuts by states like New York and by Washington should be adopted by others.

• Enact tort reforms, limit debilitating lawsuits by having more efficient forms of legal redress, impose malpractice caps and lighten needless regulatory or work rules burden on providers. (About the last, some onerous work rules may for example stem from union agreements that only lightly benefit health workers but severely throttle hospital operations.) The actual impact of legal exposure is likely less than what Republicans and providers claim, but Democrats conceding on this may enable broader bipartisan agreement.

•  Electronic health records.  Wellness and preventive programs.  Smoking cessation.  Obesity control and healthy living.  Atul Gawande's Checklist Manifesto.  Other innovations in practice of medicine.  Yes, yes, yes.  And motherhood and apple pie.  By all means do all this, as supplemental to - not instead of - other necessary measures.

What about single payer, or a "Medicare for all" type of program?  This can avoid the inefficiencies of private insurers offering a complex array of plans and needing to make a profit.  They, in the words of Joseph Stiglitz also spend a lot of resources in marketing, administration, and in figuring out how to cover people who don't need much treatment, and to keep out those who do.  Single payer is particularly helpful in countering the market power of providers in a situation of scarcity or lack of competition.

Conversely, an expanded provider supply through actions as in the first part above can make private insurance more viable, as in the Netherlands or a parallel system as in Germany.  Such a system could be allowed to co-exist in the US with a basic public plan, with choices of more lavish private plans.  Those opting for them can be helped with payments through risk category based government vouchers or credits that equal offsetting average savings in public funds. 

Overall, steps of both types should be pursued in tandem but those enhancing provider supply and lowering prices at part one above offer easier and bigger savings as well as service improvements.  For quick results turning to international trade in health services is essential, as I'll elaborate in a later post.

Moreover, this supply side approach that enhances competition should be more acceptable (in theory at least) to Republicans who control the House and vigorously oppose the single payer route.  Given political will, these changes in health care are administratively quite easy to implement, and help solve the budgetary crisis far better than other more widely bandied options.

Better US Health Care At Half The Cost

The main problem with US health care is its high cost.  A surprisingly unmentioned fact is that this "high cost"  is actually due to exorbitant pricing, as compared to all other countries.  Why is this important?

It's because correcting these prices is the quick and painless way for Americans to address the health crisis and achieve universal coverage.  It is the closest to having our cake and eating it too.  We can achieve universal coverage, hold the line on spending or even reduce it, avoid additional taxes, and all without trade-offs on the quality or the amount of care.

Yet this approach is suppressed and ignored.  It is anathema to the health providers and middlemen (like PBMs) who benefit from the current system.  They and their "experts" instead plant the false notion that our care is so costly because we're getting much more of it than elsewhere.  They imply that Americans utilize more resources in getting more treatment, more time with providers or in hospitals, more or better medication, and more diagnostic and imaging tests.

Only the last about imaging tests is true, with very limited effect, as the OECD health data shows, and Americans actually lag behind their first world counterparts in the other parameters.  True, Americans average 92 MRIs and 230 CAT scans per 1000 population annually, as against the OECD median of 37 MRIs and 119 CAT scans.  But that translates to less than 3% of extra costs even at inflated US prices.  These and any other "excesses" are more than offset by Americans seeing their doctors 40% less often and being in hospitals 20% less than the OECD median.

So what's behind US prices being over twice as high as in Europe, and 5 - 10 times higher than in the top Asian hospitals popular with medical tourists?  It is mainly tightly restricted supply, limited competition (as I've written earlier about doctors and  in regard to hospitals) and a system that simply lets providers get away with it.  An example of the last: unlike other countries the US bars its federal agency (HHS or Medicare) from directly negotiating drug prices for publicly funded patients, so these are double those in Europe.

Provider groups use their financial leverage and lobbying to sustain the current price regimen, while dodging adverse public scrutiny.  Some interesting aspects are:

• Doctors and hospitals vehemently protest impending Medicare rate cuts under SGR.  But they'll carefully avoid any comparisons with other countries.  That's because Medicare rates on which they claim to lose money are actually far higher (even after cuts) than prices anywhere abroad.   
• The lure of industry largess and fear of career suicide seems enough to stop health care experts and academics from discussing or publishing work on US health pricing. The bulk of academic endowments, research grants and other funds flow from provider organizations.  Moreover, the editorial boards and review committees of health journals are dominated by doctors who can blacklist authors of inconvenient articles exposing their industry. 

• The experts' reticence results in wider ignorance and misconceptions in the public.  The popular media looks to research and analysis in respected publications for answers to the health crisis.  Their own journalists haven't realized that pricing alone plays a much bigger role in health costs than all the other reasons trotted out by the experts as Op-Ed writers or talking heads on TV. 

•  Even the HHS / Medicare does not compile and publicize data that exposes the pricing anomalies and actual doctor earnings, that can justify the government's case for SGR cuts.  This is less surprising once you realize that HHS / CMS employees have a symbiotic relationship with the health industry players.  They are aware of the revolving door and subsequent lucrative employment opportunities if they oblige the industry.  Ex-CMS Administrator Thomas Scully is an example.  The current CMS chief Dr. Donald Berwick is an excellent choice, but he too has to tread cautiously as a recess appointee in a precarious position with many GOP foes.

Law makers can easily take measures to correct pricing anomalies in a relatively short time, and apart from all the economic benefits, this should go down well with voters.  But they are either bankrolled by the provider groups, or fear funding of election bids against them if they overly annoy providers.  So their inaction and silence extends to both sides of the aisle, though more so by Republicans who have closer industry ties.

In fact, cynical politicians can go the opposite way if their actions remain beneath the public radar, and the ill effects are only felt long after they are gone.  In his Jan. 19 WSJ Op-Ed the CEO of NY Presbyterian Hospital describes a bipartisan panel proposing a $60B cut through 2020 of Medicare funds to train new doctors.  It's like meeting grain shortages by eating the seed for future harvests:  worsening doctor scarcity, further raising prices for their services, and increasing overall costs and patient misery. 

Is pricing the only problem leading to higher US health care costs?  Obviously not.  We have the usual causes widely discussed in the media.  The waste and duplication in the private health insurance industry. The distortions in provider incentives under the fee for service system.  Malpractice laws and defensive medicine.  Lack of proper end of life planning (Sarah Palin's "Death Panels") and public funding guidelines about treatment of patients with terminal illness.  Inadequate research and dissemination of information on comparative effectiveness (including the cost) of treatments and consequently deficient policies.  Cost of care fully borne by third parties that removes the patient's incentive to look at costs.  Insurance and Medicare fraud, and so on.

But the savings potential from addressing these other causes is dwarfed by that from correcting prices.  The latter is the richer, low hanging fruit in terms of administrative ease and voter acceptance.  Consider this: effective steps to bring health care prices down so that they are "just" 30% higher than in Europe will reduce the annual US expenditure of $2.5 trillion by $1 trillion, half of it in public funding.  Other reforms can of course result in further savings and improve the quality of care.

Key measures that were shot down by Republicans and some Blue Dogs (or not even pushed in a misguided attempt to "compromise") could have had an indirect but strong bearing on prices.  A single payer ("Medicare for All") system would have concentrated buying power into a single governmental entity that could dictate more reasonable prices even in the face of provider scarcity.  That's in addition to it streamlining payments, improving efficiency and effectively increasing doctor / provider supply by freeing up their time spent chasing payments and instead devoting more of it on patients.  That's how countries like Singapore, Japan, Taiwan and even UK are doing well with fewer providers. A strong public option would have also helped (though not quite as much) for similar reasons.

But too many Americans swallowed the propaganda that this "socialized medicine" would limit their choices and worsen their care - never mind that most seniors love their Medicare.  Where do we go from here?

We face the reality now of Republicans controlling the House, having expanded ability to filibuster in the Senate, and trying to limit a government role, including by undermining "Obamacare." Recognizing the central role of high prices and the core causes behind it can enable us to skin the cat another way - finding solutions palatable to the Republican supply side and free market ideology.  

These steps involve expanding provider capacity, allowing more competition including free trade in health services, reducing unneeded regulation and (for limited benefit) reforming malpractice laws.  Taken together they may work just as well or better than just a focus on single payer, and save a lot of money for taxpayers and businesses.  More on these in my next post.

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(Footnote: As in my March 1, 2010 post, I've pointed to the Obama administration's failure to publish data on true doctor earnings and hospital payments per procedure. Now the HHS is a year behind the rest of OECD in reporting even basic health data statistics as above.  This hadn't happened even in the "Heck of a job, Brownie" days of  G.W. Bush.  It underscores how the government apart from policy making also needs to pay attention to routine administrative efficiency.